The recent congress of the People’s Party, one of the most corrupt political forces in Europe, compels us to reflect deeply on the state and future of Andalusia. With dozens of leaders convicted for corruption, illegal financing, a headquarters built with illicit funds, and many others awaiting trial for similar charges, the PP has institutionalized a rotten model of governance based on cronyism and illicit enrichment. This pattern of behavior, far from being an anomaly, has become a constant that defines its political trajectory and doesn’t seem to bother a portion of its voters.
This corrupt line becomes even more evident when observing the PP’s governance in Andalusia. The collapse of essential public services such as healthcare and education, coupled with the handover of public resources to private sectors, reveals a roadmap that prioritizes the profit of a few over collective well-being. We’re talking about a deliberate policy to dismantle public structures in favor of private interests. This profit-oriented governance directly harms citizens, especially the most vulnerable.
Corruption is intrinsic to bipartisanship. Although the PSOE presents itself as an alternative, it has been and continues to be implicated in multiple corruption scandals—the latest and most severe being the «Koldo-Ábalos-Cerdán case», which collectively represents the PSOE’s own corruption case. The party resists implementing decisive measures to eradicate it. The absence of actions such as a lifetime ban on corrupt companies from accessing public contracts is evidence of the tepid approach to a structural problem. This lack of resolve from the royalist bipartisan bloc not only perpetuates the cycle of corruption, but also deprives Andalusia of the opportunity to develop its own productive and industrial model, one based on transparency and fairness. As long as the same companies that operated during the fascist dictatorship continue to access Andalusian public contracts, the region’s productive fabric will remain subject to elite interests, with no chance for autonomous and just development.
In this scenario, the attitude of unions like UGT and CCOO is frustrating. Their alignment with rearmament policies, NATO, and war—or their conduct during the Cádiz metalworkers’ strike—clashes with the historical principles of class-based unionism, which has always defended peace and workers’ interests. When did class unions, founded to protect workers, become supporters of war? That’s a question that demands a clear answer and deep self-criticism. Andalusia needs class-based, Andalusian and federalist unions that defend a fair economic and social model, and that do not bend to the interests of elites, whether from Madrid or abroad. The voice of Andalusian workers must be independent and focused on building a future of peace and prosperity for our land.
